By MAIA HALL
Journalists are known to push to get a hard-hitting story, to satisfy the public interest. But not all journalism’s techniques and motives are as respectable. A current definition of the practice says, “Journalism comprises the activities involved in an independent pursuit of accurate information about current or recent events and its original presentation for public edification.” (Shapiro, 2014, p. 1) This essay will consider journalism’s tendency to push the ethical boundaries around the selection and treatment of news too far, changing the presentation of news. However, it is vital to mention that while this type of journalism does exist, there remains a large proportion which is developing with the changing media landscape and using journalism ethically and responsibly to give a voice to the voiceless, be a channel for positive change, and facilitate healthy discussion. Rather than critiquing journalism as a practice, this essay will consider how the boundaries are pushed as the changing mediums allow for journalism to change shape. I feel that this definition is especially appropriate for discussions around the ethical boundaries, in the way authentic and balanced delivery of news hands the power of interpretation to the audience. Here, I will discuss the examples of commercial journalism pushing the ethical boundaries by commoditizing news, and the cultivating effect this has on people’s perceptions of journalism and society in general.
News balance is an important concept used to explain the purposeful act a journalist must make to demonstrate both sides of a news story. It can also refer to news organisations that strive to present good and bad news appropriately, giving the right amount of emphasis on different sources (Applegate, 2007). Of course, this is difficult in a world where journalists are humans with personal biases, who work for commercial organisations with specific target publics and profits to make. News has taken a drastic turn in the 21st century, is this the death of journalism?
I disagree that this era marks the death of journalism. What has changed is the saturation of the media landscape. Now, news must simply work so much harder to actually break through its competition. This semester I have experienced the academic learning of journalism, where unbiased and honest news is of the utmost importance. I have then taken this knowledge into practice, where I wrote two of my own stories while trying to keep up this expectation of ethical reporting. While journalists have the greatest intentions to tell a story as it is, there is also significant motivation to write a story in a way that sells. I wanted my stories to stand on their own, but I also wanted a high mark, which meant I needed to make them stand out against the class. Journalism is nothing without an engaged audience. Every good story draws the reader in with carefully selected language to tell the most interesting version of the story. While the formation of a story must be balanced, the selection of what actually makes it to this stage is desperately significant, in a world where only a small portion of events can realistically be covered. The selection of news can be altered in all sorts of ways, coming from many political, commercial and personal motivations. It is easy to believe that journalists cover all newsworthy stories; as if significant stories choose themselves, and those less newsworthy get left behind. The truth is, only a few of the millions of newsworthy events are covered. The most salient news angles are not “divinely inspired”, they are selected through a series of frameworks. Updated versions of Galtung and Ruge’s original news values are still used today, however, some are prioritized due to the commercialization of journalism (Harcup & O’Neill, 2001, p. 1). These will be further discussed within the context of commodification.
(Harcup & O’Neill, 2001)
News is now getting commoditized, it must make an impact to bring in profits. Journalism is driven by ratings and clicks, and it continues to make a name for itself for relying on sensational presentations of mediocre events, especially concerning crime or violence (Chiricos, Padgett, & Gertz, 2000). In New Zealand, the vast majority of journalism comes from commercially owned media. It is owned dominantly by large corporate companies, who prioritise profits over the health of journalism. America’s situation is even more dire. This video considers the complications of the commodification of the media.
A former video editor for a local news organisation owned by Sinclair explains how manipulating large media companies can be, in a Washington Post article. In these instances, ethical local news is being swallowed by media conglomerates and altering the types of stories that reach the audience. Another article in the New York Times, “Does local TV news have to be so bad?”, points out the sensationalism of journalism; news corporations seek out stories with over-dramatic language and themes (Chiricos, Padgett, & Gertz, 2000, p. 755). This can significantly affect the audience’s perception of the world, and lower the credibility of news journalism.
Two Australian journalists run Shameless; a popular culture podcast. They talk about their own experiences in the industry, recalling instructions from their former supervisor to find a story about a dead baby because that topic is known to generate high levels of engagement. A story about the passing of a baby is certainly newsworthy, it covers several news values. However, manually searching for specific themes disregards the previously mentioned concept of news balance (Applegate, 2007). Ethically produced news should always maintain a balanced emphasis on a range of stories.
In the last couple of months, New Zealand media covered a significant event which has left a mark on many other stories. The Christchurch terror attacks, which resulted in 50 deaths, appropriately dominated the news for weeks. However, after the story settled down, there was still an increased number of terrorism-related stories. Rather than about Christchurch itself, journalists and organisations appeared to be especially looking out for stories with ‘sexy’ words such as ‘bomb’ or ‘terrorism’, that would evoke the same shock reaction that the Christchurch attacks created. Stuff’s website was littered with headlines such as, “Bomb threat sees Rotorua Western Heights High School evacuated”, which caused undue stress to readers because the story was nothing more than an unattended schoolbag.
Journalists and news organisations choose all the time whether or not to cover stories. Studies show audiences value prominence, impact, and controversy in news over timeliness and proximity (Armstrong, McAdams, & Cain, 2015). This often naturally lends itself towards stories of violence and crime. While ‘bad news’ and ‘surprise’ are important news values, it’s important to consider how the treatment of news impact people’s perceptions of journalism and society, which influences their decision making, referred to as cultivation analysis (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1980).
Stories covering the Christchurch terrorist attacks on March 15th received exceptional levels of engagement. While this can be justified; after the initial surge evened out, news organisations continued to capitalise on the opportunity for clicks by continuing to push stories of similar themes that they know will interest the public. Stories for months following the event have drawn attention to instances of authorities being on high alert for a copycat crime but covering them in an exaggerated way that encourages unnecessary fear. In 2002, NZ Herald uses the dramatic headline; Auckland Hospital cordoned off after bomb scare to describe a story of five sentences about an abandoned suitcase. This gives too much emphasis to the story as if it is comparable to the September 11 terrorist attack on the Twin Towers, which at this point was only a year earlier. These click-bait headlines cause audiences to believe there is a higher risk of terrorism than real statistics, as shown below (Hertrich, 2008).

News causing fear is the main crux of the communication studies concept; cultivation analysis, introduced by George Gerbner in the 1960s. He suggested that routine exposure to television media, including the news, can affect audiences’ perception of reality (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1980). The theory can be used to explain why there is a large collective consciousness in support of recent controversies, for example; the liberalism of American gun laws (Lacombe, 2018), and people’s interpretation of terrorism, both in New Zealand and internationally. Journalism has significant control over the cultivation of violence in the media and public perception of terrorism, crime and violence (Chiricos, Padgett, & Gertz, 2000). The ‘Scary World’ theory explains how the amount of violence on television does not directly influence heavy viewers of television to be more violent, but it causes individuals to interpret the world as more dangerous and ‘scary’ than actual crime rates say (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1980). This means they are more likely to take preventative measures to protect themselves, such as Americans voting for conservative laws around firearms and tighter immigration policies. More violent news stories create the illusion of a scary world. If people think the world is scary, they will be expecting to see more of it in the news. They are more likely to click on violent stories, so the commercial media actively seeks them out, to get more clicks, to make a profit.
A range of factors affects a person’s interpretation of their own safety, and how much they buy into the Scary World theory, such as a person’s demographic or real experiences of danger and violence (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1980). The term resonance refers to when a person’s real experience is backed up by what they see on television and in the news, which creates double the effect. Groups who live in high-crime areas more likely to have a Scary World view, because they are exposed to more television news alongside statistically living in a more dangerous area. These two factors combining results in extreme cultivation of fear of violence (Chiricos, Padgett, & Gertz, 2000). For example, communities more connected to the Christchurch terrorist attack victims (Muslim communities or those living in the neighbouring areas) will have a stronger reaction to the disaster. Alongside this, these groups are more likely to pay closer attention to the media coverage. When New Zealand media stops covering directly Christchurch related stories and go immediately to sensationalized, click-bait type stories about other ‘terrorist threats’, this resonates the effect, making the true risk of terrorism appear larger than it is. Regardless that the dramatic headlines and leads are followed up by information that discounts reason to panic, as in the NZ Herald article, these groups affected will still have an invalid fear for their own safety. Cultivation analysis also affects those less connected to violence. The media ‘mainstreams’ messages of high terrorism and violence rates, which controls and reproduces the Scary World theory (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1980). Exposing whole populations to the same content means that people will believe the most common messages out there, and individuals may all have the same perception of fear, regardless of their actual risk (Earp, Morgan, & Jhally, 2019).
I can conclude that journalism covering sensationalized violence creates a scary world perception. As the perception of violence is increasing, so is the expectation of news stories covering crime. People who are afraid for their safety are much more likely to click on these types of stories, and while they believe they are educating themselves, they are simply buying into the demands of commercial media, and cultivating fear. Stories that generate high levels of engagement bring in revenue from advertisers, therefore commercial media is likely to stick with these types of stories, resulting in a media landscape dominated by unrealistic levels of violence. While writing my own news stories, I must actively ask myself if my story is a fair representation of the facts, rather than me dramatizing what might be less sexy, to begin with. Journalists have a responsibility to society and ethical standards to uphold. A good grade or a story that gets clicks is never worth stretching the boundaries too far.
References
Applegate, E. (2007). The Concepts of “News Balance” and “Objectivity”. Public Relations Quarterly, 52(4), 5-8. Retrieved from http://eds.a.ebscohost.com.ezproxy.aut.ac.nz/eds/detail/detail?vid=0&sid=f83174b3-9f21-4349-a360-f370100978aa%40sdc-v-sessmgr04&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWRzLWxpdmU%3d#AN=38230343&db=bth
Andrews, M. & McDonald, Z. (2019, May 13). Shameless. [Audio podcast]. Retrieved from https://podcasts.apple.com/nz/podcast/shameless/id1352875216?i=1000437903017
Armstrong, C., McAdams, M. J., & Cain, J. (2015). What is News? Audiences May Have Their Own Ideas. Atlantic Journal of Communication, 23(2), 81-98. doi:https://doi-org.ezproxy.aut.ac.nz/10.1080/15456870.2015.1013102
Bathgate, B. (2019, April 30). Students released after bomb threat sees Rotorua’s Western Heights High School evacuated. Retrieved from Stuff: https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/112349263/bomb-threat-sees-rotoruas-western-heights-high-school-evacuated?cid=app-iPhone
BBC Newsnight. (2018, May 31). The death of journalism: Stig Abell – Viewsnight. [Video file]. Retrieved from: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eNhDCgWCteY
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Hertrich, S. (2008). Actual vs Perceived threats (aka people are crazy). Retrieved from: https://www.tartley.com/actual-vs-perceived-threats-aka-people-are-crazy
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